Jonathon Swifts Gullivers Travels Book Four Essays -

Jonathon Swift's Gulliver's Travels: Book Four Jonathan Swift's Gulliver's Travel: Book Four When Gulliver's Travels was first published in 1726, Swift instantly became history's absolute most famous misanthrope. Thackeray was not alone in his outrage when he denounced it as ?past all sense of manliness and shame; filthy in word, filthy in thought, furious, raging, obscene? (quoted in Hogan, 1979: 648). Since then, few literary works have been so extremely dissected, discussed and disagreed upon. It is the magnum opus of one of the English language's greatest satirists, but definitely does not offer any simple answers. It is written like the typical travel book of the day, but instead of offering a relaxing escape from the real world, Gulliver's Travels brings us face to face with reality in all it's complexity. Of the four books comprising the work, by far the most controversial has been the last, ?A Voyage to the Houyhnhnms?. In it, the narrator, Gulliver, is deposited by mutineers on an island colonised by two species. The Yahoos are dirty, savage and barbaric, with no capacity for reason. These wretched creatures physically resemble humans but immediately fill Gulliver with loathing. The Houyhnhnms, retrospectively, are a race of talking horses governed completely by reason. They lead natural, simplified lives, and use the Yahoos for menial labour. They are so honest they cannot conceive of the notion of dishonesty. They regard Gulliver as a precocious Yahoo and, after a few years, banish him from the Island. Gulliver spends the rest of his life in England, trying to talk with horses and regarding his fellow humans ?only with Hatred, Disgust and Contempt?. Gulliver's Travels is a satire, and Gulliver, as satirical devise does not have a fully-fledged personality. Although it is dangerous to equate the narrator with author completely, Gulliver and Swift share the same basic view of human nature. The difference, as R. Crane says, is simply ?between a person who has just discovered a deeply disturbing truth about man and is considerably upset with one who has known this truth all the long and can therefore write of his hero's discovery calmly and with humour?. Readers have no other source but Gulliver, and therefore, no contradicting views between which to decide. The ending of the book is not comical, but poignant. Gulliver, once so self-assured and proud of his species, has undergone a tragic disillusionment with cleverly forms the climax of the entire work. Nevertheless, Swift does, ultimately, give us a glimmer of hope for humanity. After all, this is the Irish patriot who pronounced Ireland ?the most miserable country apon earth?. Although he is passionate in his hatred for humankind, he is almost equally passionate in his love for it. True, this is no gentle humanist who sees the world basking in a rosy glow. Yet no one who really does not care for his own species is so angry at finding it deficient. If Swift were really an all-out misanthrope, he would not have seen the point of trying to make humanity aware of its condition. He would not have given two thirds of his earnings to the poor. In his own forceful, delicate way, Swift dedicated his life to improving society. He knew he could not make Houyhnhnms of humans, but at least he could hold up his famous mirror of satire to show his fellow Yahoos what they really are. Book Reports

3 Oil Gas Plays Essay

3 Oil Gas Plays Essay 3 Oil Gas Plays Essay 3 Oil & Gas Companies To Buy Right Now I used the following screener to find the following plays: Independent Oil & Gas PEG 1 Forward P/E 10 Two of the following stocks may currently trade at a fair price based on historical P/E, however they are bargains when you look at their forward P/E and future growth opportunities. Bellatrix Exploration Ltd (BXE) Bellatrix Exploration is an oil and gas company based in Canada. The firm has a lot of land in Alberta, Canada. There are 14 analysts covering the stock all giving a strong buy/buy rating and an average target of $12 a share. Bellatrix continues to grow rapidly every year, with no signs of stopping any time soon. Source - bellatrixexploration.com/docs/default-source/presentations/bxe-corporate-presentation-sept-2-2014.pdf?sfvrsn=6 Average EPS estimates for 2015 are 0.84 per share. Applying a PE multiple of 10 (which it is currently trading above at 10.8), I can see the stock trading at $8.40 by the end of 2015. This represents a return of 21% from current levels ($6.9 a share). The firm has a PEG ratio of 0.36. PEG looks at the P/E ratio divided by the annual EPS growth. A figure below 1 is seen as undervalued. A figure of 0.36 highlights the current P/E ratio hardly takes into account the growth opportunities the firm has to offer over the next few years. Abraxas Petroleum Corp (AXAS) I am going to use the same logic I used for BXE. Average EPS estimates for 2015 are 0.69 per share. Applying a conservative PE multiple of 10 (it is currently trading at a multiple of 13.15), I can see the stock trading at $6.90 in the medium term. This represents a return of 31% from current levels ($5.26

Imagine Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Imagine - Essay Example This empowers the patient as he or she can now have a greater latitude in taking care of himself or herself because preventing disease is more affordable than treatment. The latter often disenfranchises the have nots and makes health care unjust as social epidemiology suggests that the distribution of disease, impairment and general health care issues are more concentrated in the lower strata of society where people in lower classes have higher rates of mortality and disability. While we agree that this should not be the case, concrete action has to be made to make heath care equitable and universal. And central to this effort of making health care more equitable and universal are nurses whose roles became more demanding now as the new landscape demands more health at lesser cost. This does not mean that nurses should adopt a defeatist attitude and sulk in petty grievance that the nursing profession is already overworked with health care institutions swelling with patients while nurs e ratio are not commensurate. Nurse in fact has to adopt a proactive mindset, to assume greater responsibility in finding ways to provide health care with less. In the long run, these new developments could be good for the patients as it is targeted at preventive care than treatment. But for the time being, nurses have to assume the responsibility of health care backlog as health care becomes more universal. Given these new demands on the profession of nursing of doing more with less, the nurse should be given greater autonomy in the dispensation of his or her duty to optimize his or her capacity to provide care and not be bogged down by unwanted bureaucracy. Nurses should be trusted for their role to be expanded in patient care and to be given more independence in the day to day patient care because just like doctors, they too care for the patients and is bound by an ethical oath of which they have to follow. Just like doctors, nurses also adhere to strict professional code that in cludes beneficence which directs nurses not to inflict any harm to the patient and to be just in providing care based on the patient’s need and not on other consideration. The reiteration of this ethical guidelines of which every nurse is bound to adhere should rest the doubt of anyone who suspects that nurses cannot provide adequate patient care when given more autonomy. In practice, the opposite could be true that could nurses could be more effective both from clinical and personnel management perspective. . This is now necessary because nurses cannot just rely on how things were usually done considering that the present health care is less than the ideal which is now becoming typical in most health care institutions in America because of the lack of budget, qualified personnel, equipment and supplies. This is important to stress because most nursing students today will become nurses in the future and we have to realize now that we should not accept this less than ideal sit uation in nursing. Nurses should not give in to the problems of deteriorating nursing institutions which is now becoming prevalent and acceptable today. We have to be proactive as early as now while we are still learning the ropes of nursing because it will shape our attitude when we become

Constitutional conventions should be put on a legal footing. However, Essay

Constitutional conventions should be put on a legal footing. However, there is no clear agreement as to what amounts to a convention. DISCUSS - Essay Example 1917). It could be described also as â€Å"an informal and uncodified procedural agreement that is followed by the institutions of a state† which (Wikipedia, 2007) Hoar (1917) in discussing a constitutional convention as a means of changing or amending written constitutions, told of its being an American origin. He noted the fact written constitutions themselves originated in the US. The idea of a constitution convention is given importance in the light of it purpose, that is making or changing the constitution. Characterizing that the idea of a constitution is â€Å"to signify something superior to legislative enactments† or â€Å"a body of fundamental principles of government which are beyond the control of the Legislature.† Hoar (1917) described a constitution as â€Å"a social compact, by which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws for the common good.†(Mass. Const., Preamble.) He explained it is â€Å"the Anglo-Saxon theory that government is in some way based upon a contract between the people and the State† (Hoar, R. 19 17). In applying the principle of constitutionalism of the US, Hoar (1917) noted that however, Americans both the terms of the â€Å"unwritten British constitution† and by the â€Å"charters or other written instruments whereby Great Britain directed their government† which he described to be â€Å"suspended the moment the colonies declared their independence,† as â€Å"the colonies reverted to a state of nature† (Ch. II  §8 pp. 26-28) (Hoar, R. 1917, Chap 1) It is an accepted principle in democracy that power belongs to the people. When we say people we are referring to those who can actually vote on issues or elect their leaders. This right of the people to â€Å"have the right to change their form of government at will, using whatever method suits them (Ch. II  §2, p. 12)† In describing the nature of the right of the people, Hoar (1917) said

Capital Budget. Disney park in River County Research Paper

Capital Budget. Disney park in River County - Research Paper Example The activity center will be the major area of operation for workers and where equipment will be stored. Also, from this place, daily operations involved running and management operations will be conducted. The center is also expected to generate revenue of approximately $500, 000 dollars annually once it has been fully constructed. This center is also expected to offer services like restaurants and hotel resorts, swimming pools, natural scenery viewpoints among other luxurious services (Finkler, 2010). It has been stated earlier on that Disney Park in River County was abandoned a long time ago. What remains are obsolete structures, the bulldozer will therefore be used to demolish those structures as plans for construction of a new activity center. The lifespan of the bulldozer, 8 years, makes financial. This is because it will be used to do heavy duties and as a result it is prone to wear and tear than the other assets. The two garbage trucks are expected to serve for 10 years. It is expected that these trucks, costing $300, 000, will enable the attainment of the project’s purpose. In addition to that, they will also be used in maintaining the cleanness of the County (Bierman, Harold & Seymour, 2005). Furthermore, River County can lease or rent the trucks to private organizations leading to generation of revenue. It is therefore expected that within a period of 10 years the trucks will have served purposes worth of their purchase.

The Role Of Cocoa In Conflicts Politics Essay

The Role Of Cocoa In Conflicts Politics Essay A great deal of attention has been given to the role of resource abundance in the onset and duration of conflicts. It is difficult to prove that the sole abundance of a certain natural resource can increase the risk of conflict. Different studies emphasize that the mismanagement of resources actually raises the risk of potential conflict.  [2]   Cote dIvoire, a resource-rich country, certainly had the potential to be just another African country in the claws of a resource-motivated civil war. As one of the worlds leading producers of cocoa beans, the cocoa trade undoubtedly played an important role in the countrys conflict.  [3]  Cocoa was used to finance the military expenditures of both government and rebel forces. However, little has been said about the role of cocoa in onset of the conflict. Cocoa cannot be considered the only resource that contributed to the conflict, but one must acknowledge the importance of cocoa. This is the case because it has been the backbone of Cote dIvoires economy for decades. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of resource governance in the onset of the conflict in Cote dIvoire. The analysis will be based on resource governance as transparent, efficient and fair allocation of revenues and non-harmful participatory implementation of policies including all relevant actors and affected communities.  [4]  This paper will analyze the governance of the cocoa sector because this sector has been the most important aspect of the countrys economy to date. It will begin with the post-colonial period and the rule of President Felix Houphouet-Boigny, and then continue until the onset of the conflict in 2002. It was during this year that the united rebel forces Forces Nouvelles (FN) managed to gain control of the cocoa-rich northern part of the country. The management of resources, or resource governance, cannot be explained simply via an analysis of a countrys economic policies. It is important to examine both economic and political decision-making processes since the two are often interconnected. This paper will explain the relationships between the states economic and political decisions that, directly or indirectly, contributed to circumstances in which a conflict was more likely to begin. II SHORT OVERVIEW OF THE CONFLICT A former French colony located in West Africa, resource-rich Cote dIvoire was considered one of the most prosperous countries in the region. After gaining independence from France in 1960, it was subsequently ruled for 33 years by an autocratic leader named Felix Houphouet-Boigny. President Houphouet-Boigny is often referred to as the father of the nation. Although rich in various resources such as cocoa, coffee, timber, gold, diamonds, oil and gas, the golden years of prosperity during Houphouet-Boignys government were closely related to agricultural advances. To be more precise, the economic prosperity of the country was primarily due to the export of commodities. Dependence on primary commodities export directly influenced Houphouet-Boignys political platform. The governments policy encouraged migration from neighboring countries (Burkina Faso, Mali, Liberia etc.) to cocoa rich regions. Over time, this drastically altered the ethnic structure of the country. When world market commodity prices fell in the 1980s, the effects were intensely felt in both economic and governmental sectors. Social unrest triggered by the governments unpopular attempts to downsize the unsustainable state apparatus ultimately resulted in the introduction of a multi-party system. The power struggle that occurred following President Houphouet-Boignys death in 1993 planted the seed of the ethnic division in Cote dIvoire. Henri K. Bedie succeeded Houphouet-Boigny. Bedie and other politicians placed questions of identity at the forefront of the political agenda. During this period of economic decline and uncertainty, it was not difficult to manipulate questions of identity that focused on distinctions between local the local first-comers and the migrant late-comers.  [5]  The distinction between foreigners and locals was an important political tool for defining citizenship. When Bedie enacted the new electoral code in 1995, all foreigners lost their right to vote. The new code also required that the parents of any presidential candidate be citizens of Cote dIvoire. Similar practices of exclusion occurred within military institutions. Although Bedie believed such tactics would minimize political opposition, it ultimately resulted in a military coup. In 1999, G eneral Robert Guei came to power. Political violence slowly became entrenched in Ivorian society. This occurred via a violent boycott of the 1995 elections, Gueis military coup and the military and civil unrest which preceded the 2000 presidential elections. When Laurent Gbagbo took over the presidency, he introduced a new program of identification that further deepened the gap between locals and migrants. In September 2002, multiple army personnel staged an attempted coup against President Gbagbo. This led to a de facto division of the country in which southern Cote dIvoire remained under the control of the government and the north was overtaken by rebel forces. French military forces called Licorne monitored a ceasefire-line, the zone de confience. Three rebel movements (Mouvement Patriotique de la Cote dIvoire (MPCI), Mouvement Populaire Ivoiren du Grand Ouest (MPIGO) and Mouvement pour la Justice et la Pix (MJP)) ultimately joined forces and became the Forces Nouvelles (FN). The Linas-Marcoussis Peace Agreement was signed in January 2003. As per the parameters of the agreement, all conflict parties committed themselves to forming a government of national unity. In the following years, both parties repeatedly obstructed various peace efforts following the Marcoussis Treaty.  [6]  After years of sporadic outbursts of violence, the March 2007 Ouagadougou Political Accord (OPA) was signed between president Gbagbo and FN leader Guillaume Soro. Soro was subsequently appointed Prime Minister. Implementation of the OPA has been very slow. However, it provided an adequate level of security and made the November 2010 presidential elections possible.  [7]   Preliminary elections results showed that President Gbagbo had lost the elections to his rival, former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara. The ruling party contested the results on charges of massive fraud in the northern territories of Cote dIvoire, which were controlled by the FN. International observers disputed these charges. The report of the results led to severe tension and violent incidents. To this date, the dispute over the election results in Cote dIvoire has not been settled. III RESOURCE GOVERNANCE USE AND ABUSE Post-Colonial Period Although often considered the golden years of Cote dIvoire, Houphouet-Boignys post-colonial rule did contribute to the countrys conflict. An abundance of land used for cocoa cultivation triggered the effects of the so-called resource curse. The resource curse thesis addresses reasons why a resource-abundant country fails to use resources in a way that would be economically beneficial. It refers not only to the socio-economic development of the country, but also to its governance and prospects for democracy.  [8]  The following chapter will analyze resource governance, economic development and the political decisions of Houphouet-Boignys government. It will demonstrate that these factors ultimately contributed to the onset of the conflict. 1.1. Economy, Politics and Policies Cote dIvoire gained its independence from France in 1960. By 1978, it was already one of the worlds leading cocoa producers. Cocoa, or more broadly the agricultural sector, constituted the backbone of the countys economy. Agricultural growth was mostly due to the conversion of forest areas into cropped areas and a shift in production from food stuffs to highly remunerative coffee and cocoa. Liberal immigration policies promoted by the government attracted a foreign workforce from neighboring countries. Rapid deforestation carried out by immigrant farmers later impacted agricultural capacities. 1964 marked the establishment of an important governmental institution. Caisse de Stabilisation et de Soutien des Prix des Produits Agricoles (CAISTAB) commercialized the cocoa and coffee sectors and guaranteed a fixed price for farmers through an advance sale system. CAISTAB bought cocoa directly from farmers and then sold it on the world market. The differences between the world market prices for cocoa and the prices paid to farmers were significant. The management of public revenues from cocoa was far from transparent and enabled government officials to indulge into corrupt activities. However, CAISTAB did bring about government investment in economic infrastructure and other services of great importance to farmers.  [9]   In 1967, President Houphouet-Boigny issued a decree stating that the land belonged to the person who cultivated it. This caused patronage relationships to form between the local landowners and the migrants who came to work the land. It essentially meant that the new laborers could sell part of the crops they helped produce. These relationships were often regulated through informal agreements between locals and migrants. However, some migrants gained land access on the grounds of a valid principle of entitlement to rights by virtue of invested labor (and not by virtue of descent), which was fostered by Houphouet-Boignys policies.  [10]  Migrants were also given the right to vote. The subsequent impact of this policy and its relation to the onset of the conflict will be discussed later in the paper. Cocoa prices continued to rise on the world market during late 1970s and revenues further contributed to Cote dIvoires development. CAISTAB, a stabilizing factor, ensured good prices for the farmers and continued to stimulate cocoa production. Additionally, inclusive politics regarding migrant farmers lended political support to the regime. The government was able to purchase social peace by ensuring that different ethnic groups received a share of the revenues. However, macroeconomic imbalances had grown to unsustainable levels, and the country carried a budget deficit of approximately 10% GDP. This was primarily a result of debt servicing problems due to rapid build-up of external debt during the second half of the 1970s, as well as inefficient resource allocation.  [11]  Unsustainable development and governance were only possible due to soaring cocoa prices on the world market. It is important to stress the interplay between the socio-economic, political and institutional dimensions. Lack of transparency regarding the distribution of revenues via CAISTAB and the nature and efficiency of infrastructural investments indicate the presence of politically motivated state activity in the economy. Most state investments were typical white elephant projects  [12]  that did not contribute to the countrys overall development.  [13]  Undoubtedly, there was too much government interference in economic activities. This resulted in the insufficient development of a strong, independent private sector vis-a-vis the government. Concurrently, Cote dIvoire endured widespread corruption and an absence of government accountability due to an autocratic regime and a lack of checks and balances. The Cocoa War Whether or not certain regime types are more susceptible to conflict than others is subject to debate. What is known is that the type and quality of political institutions that develop overtime within a country may determine how natural resources are managed.  [14]  The government failed to contribute to economic diversification or invest in infrastructure for cocoa processing. As the prime recipient of vast amounts of external rent, Cote dIvoires government had no intention of changing its policies or cutting excessive public spending. Excessive state intervention in the agricultural sector, dependence on cocoa export and an inefficient public sector all played a role in Cote dIvoires economic development when world market cocoa prices collapsed in the 1980s. The governments response was the two year Cocoa War in which a government-imposed cocoa embargo sought to influence global prices. This plan backfired and only proved beneficial to other cocoa-producing countries. When Cote dIvoire returned to the market, its share in world production was reduced to 20% and prices for farmers were halved. As the country hovered on the verge of bankruptcy, state expenditures were reduced. International financial institutions, such as the World Bank (WB) and International Monetary Fund (IMF), intervened. Cote dIvoires government was pressured into downsizing its large civil service and introducing greater transparency. CAISTABs powers were restricted and farm gate prices were cut by half. Succumbing to both pressure at home and abroad, the government introduced a multi-party system. Cote dIvoires high dependence on primary commodities export made it extremely vulnerable to external shocks. Furthermore, such vulnerability and dependence compounded the risk of potential conflict. The correlation between different economic characteristics such as dependence on primary commodity exports, low average incomes and slow growth played a role in increasing the risk of civil war.  [15]   New Government, Old Governance After Houphouet-Boignys death and forced political reform that introduced a multi-party system, the political arena was primed for a power struggle. New political circumstances and the continued economic downturn only increased overall political and social instability in the country. The following chapter will stress the lack of political will to introduce new, effective measures and ease the governments grip on the cocoa trade. It will also illustrate the political manipulation of identity. 2.1. CAISTAB and its Successors A scandal involving the embezzlement of 34.5 million USD in European Union (EU) credits intended for health care projects caused the WB and IMF to liquidate CAISTAB.  [16]  This resulted in even greater pressure on Cote dIvoires government to liberalize the cocoa market. Although liberalization meant the discontinuation of guaranteed prices for farmers, it did not improve their wages. Following CAISTABs liquidation, new institutions to govern the cocoa (and coffee) trade were formed. In barely a year, five new institutions came into existence. These included the Autorite de Regulation du Cafà © et du Cacao (ARCC), Bourse du Cafà © et Cacao (BCC), Fonds de Regulation et de Controle du Cafà © et Cacao (FRC), Fonds de Developpement et de Promotion des activites des Producteurs de Cafà © et de Cacao (FDPCC) and the Fonds de Garantie des Cooperatives Cafà © et Cacao (FGCCC). In order to fund the rapidly multiplying cocoa institutions, the government introduced new levies on each kilogram of exported cocoa. This had a direct impact on the farmers wages, as exporters simply transferred the cost of levies to the farmers. The reform of cocoa governing institutions only permitted diversion of cocoa revenue à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ for private purposes and towards off-budget expenditure by the Government, particularly military spending.  [17]   2.2 The Question of Identity Political opponents manipulated identity issues as a means of maintaining power. The distinction between the first-comers, or autochtones, and the late-comers, or allogenes, became central to the ongoing power struggle. In 1995, President Bedie enacted a new electoral code that exempted foreigners from their right to vote and stipulated that the parents of any presidential candidate hold Ivorian nationality.  [18]  This meant that approximately 25% of the population (mostly in cocoa rich regions) was deprived of its right to vote or run for president. Additionally, the parliament passed a new land law excluding non-Ivorian planters from acquiring land titles in principle (Art.1).  [19]  Due to the overall instability in the country, this law was never enforced. President Gbagbos contribution to the issue was the introduction of a new program of identification based on the concept of autochtony.  [20]  This new concept made it even more difficult for migrants to prove thei r village of origin  [21]  , thus further contributing to the autochtone allogene distinction. The lack of positive effects of liberalization coupled with the continued mismanagement of cocoa revenues through state institutions contributed to overall economic decline. High unemployment rates in urban areas put more pressure on the areas where cocoa was cultivated, because many youth returned to their villages and attempted to claim the land from migrants. Questions of ownership naturally arose. The 1967 decree stated that the land belonged to the person who cultivated it.  [22]  However, this principle now came into conflict with the principle of intergenerational justice, which guarantees the younger generation appropriate access to family land.  [23]   Onset of the Conflict The politization of the identity question that ethnically divided the country was a result of a fight for control of the countys vast resources. Continued poor resource governance further destabilized the economy. The following chapter will analyze the development of the discourse of grievance. 3.1. The Discourse of Grievance The grievance hypothesis suggests that part of a certain population, or a certain region of a country, may feel deprived of the benefits of resource-related income and therefore decide to fight.  [24]  In the case of Cote dIvoire, the fact that migrants were working the cocoa land turned out to be crucial. This is because the cocoa production sector was most affected by the governments suicidal economic strategies. Collier argues that rebel organizations develop a sense of grievance in order to function.  [25]  However, concerning Cote dIvoire, one may ascertain that the government actually fomented an objective sense of grievance among the migrants. This sense was then further exploited by the rebels. Collier argues that the motive itself (i.e. the real or imagined grievance) is not the core determinant regarding whether or not a country will experience civil war.  [26]  What appears more important is the feasibility of predation which determines the risk of conflict.  [27]  Different studies of Cote dIvoire do not examine whether the cocoa trade was used to finance the onset of the conflict. These studies find evidence suggesting that the FN rebels illegally traded diamonds and gold in order to finance themselves. Cocoa has been identified only as a resource that contributed to the duration of the conflict. Still, cocoa was a substantial source of revenue for the FN rebels. As soon as the rebels managed to seize power over the northern part of the country, they began taxing cocoa. They introduced the so-called protection taxes for travel within the FN controlled zone. Additionally, all trucks were weighed and the additional tax per kilogram of cocoa had to be paid. This s ystem later developed into an official taxing body called Le Centrale. Collier argues that sense of grievance alone is not enough for a conflict to start. Rather, it is the feasibility of the rebellion that will determine whether a country will experience civil war.  [28]  In the case of Cote dIvoire, both of the factors were present. The negative effects of poor resource governance, along with a number of political and judicial decisions, created an objective sense of grievance among the migrant minority and inspired this segment of the population to take up arms. Although the lootability of cocoa itself is debatable, the taxation system imposed to collect revenues from the cocoa trade was very profitable. IV CONCLUSION In Cote dIvoire, both resource governance and political decision-making processes had a significant impact on the later onset of conflict in the country. This interplay resulted in circumstances that made conflict more likely. The post-colonial autocratic regime of Houphouet-Boigny led to a government apparatus with full economic control. The lack of transparency and government accountability resulted in populist redistribution policies. The expansion of cocoa production and favorable policies for migrants changed the ethnic structure of the country and played a significant role in the onset of the conflict. Although favorable migrant policies might have been good for the countrys economy at one point, one other reason for their implementation was the fact that migrants were good soldiers and gave the government more legitimacy. Such policies were implemented in a country with no democratic institutions and under developed human rights mechanisms, which later made it possible for other political actors to abuse them. Mismanagement of cocoa revenues through CAISTAB made the country dependant on primary commodities export and therefore vulnerable to external shocks. The clumsy political and economic reforms that followed did not deliver the expected results and only paved the way for further instability. The manipulation of identities was the outcome of a power struggle due to the recently introduced multi-party system. Further mismanagement of resource revenues through new cocoa institutions, continued high public spending and forced liberalization of the market caused high unemployment rates and impoverished the population. One cannot say that the attempt to democratize the country and liberalize its economy was wrong, but one can question the way new rules were imposed. The country did not possess basic democratic mechanisms, an efficient system of control, or a satisfying level of transparency. The state was not ready to give up its piece of the cake from cocoa revenues and start playing fairly on the new liberal market. Ultimately, farmers had to pay the price. Growing unemployment rates, especially in urban areas, caused people to return to their villages and try to claim their land from migrant farmers. Unclear ownership of cocoa land impacted the developing identity issue by deepening the gap between the autochtones and allogenes. In addition to being deprived of some basic human rights, this raised the question of the access to cocoa land they considered their own. The farmers were also affected by the overall economic instability in the country and bore the weight of the governments reforms. Ultimately, the stage was set for the feeling of objective grievance to develop and serve as a motive for the onset of conflict. In the case of Cote dIvoire, the root causes  [29]  of the conflict were socio-economic development (dependence on primary commodities export, slow economic growth, high poverty rates, forced institutional reforms, liberalization of the market), state institutions (CAISTAB, new cocoa trade institutions), political processes (migrant policies, introduction of new democratic institutions, politization of the identity issue) and government accountability (lack of transparency resulting in high corruption levels, mismanagement of resource revenues). In order to understand the conflict in Cote dIvoire, it is important to analyze the interplay of all of these factors. These factors developed the sense of grievance and provided the motive that aggravated and triggered the conflict. The means and opportunity for sustaining the conflict were provided through the lucrative taxation system imposed by the rebels. V BIBLIOGRAPHY Basedau, M., Ley, J., (2005). Conceptualizing the Resource Curse in Sub-Saharan Africa: Affected Areas and Transmission Channels. In M. Basedau A. Mehler (Ed.),  Resource Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa  (pp. 9-24). Hamburg, Germany: The Institute of African Affairs. Basedau, M., (2005). Resourse Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa beyond the Resource Curse: Towards a Future Research Agenda. In M. Basedau A. Mehler (Ed.),  Resource Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa  (pp. 325-348). Hamburg, Germany: The Institute of African Affairs. Central Intelligence Agency, (2011). Africa: Cote d Ivoire. Retrieved January 24, 2011, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/iv.html. Collier, P., The World Bank, Development Research Group. (2000).  Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and Their Implications for Policy. Washington, USA: World Bank. Global Witness, (2007). Hot Chocolate: How Cocoa Fuelled the Conflict in Cote dIvoire. London, UK: Global Witness. Retrieved January 20, 2011, from http://www.globalwitness.org/library/hot-chocolate-how-cocoa-fuelled-conflict-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire. International Cocoa Organization, (2001). Annual Report for 2000/01. London, UK: International Cocoa Organization. Retrieved January 20, 2011, from http://www.icco.org/pdf/An_report/anrep0001english.pdf. International Cocoa Organization, (2002). Annual Report for 2001/02. London, UK: International Cocoa Organization. Retrieved January 20, 2011, from http://www.icco.org/pdf/An_report/anrep0102english.pdf. Ross, M. L., (2004a). What Do We Know About Natural Resources and Civil War?.  Journal of Peace Research, 41(3), 337-356. Ross, M. L. (2004b). How Do Natural Resources Influence Civil War? Evidence from Thirteen Cases. International Organization, 58 (1), 35-67. Schure, J., Guesnet, L., Mà ¼ller, M. (2010). Natural Resources in Cote dIvoire: Fostering Crisis or Peace? The Cocoa, Diamond, Gold and Oil Sector. Bonn, Germany: Bonn International Center for Conversion. The World Bank, Occidental and Central Africa Department. (1994).  Republic of Cote dIvoire: National Agricultural Services Support Project (No. 12388 IVC). Washington, USA: World Bank. The World Bank, (2011). Data. Retrieved January 27, 2011, from http://data.worldbank.org/country/cote-divoire?display=graph.

The Perfect Gesture :: essays research papers

The Perfect Gesture. The perfect form football tackle, that is the perfect gesture. The person that made this gesture was Gary Kmiec. I witnessed this event for the first time, Labor Day, at the junior varsity football game against North Park College. The day was hot and humid, like a regular Chicago summer. The North Park Viking's field was hardly appealing to the eye. The field was one of those contraptions of a baseball/football field combination. It was the third quarter of a very intense game, the score was 8-6 we were winning. Both teams were relying on their defenses to stop the opposing offense and in our case to score. From what I have heard through the â€Å"grape vine† is that the offense of North Central isn't the greatest, but we have one of the best defenses. The stands, like every other junior varsity game, had only a handful of people in them. Most of the die-hard fans were either family or girlfriends. Unlike the North Park Vikings, who suited up over 60 players in their royal blue, our junior varsity team had suited up about 29 players total. Out of those 29 select few, only 13 were on the defensive side of the ball. North Park was on offense. The cardinal defense stood strong. It was second down and North Park needed five more yards to get the first down. I was not in the game at this time so I had an exceptional view. The Viking quarterback dropped back 2 steps then he handed the ball off to the half back. Kmiec, like he had always been taught, mirrored the half back shuffling parallel with him. Kmiec accelerated towards the ball carrier. Then it happened. The perfect gesture, the perfect tackle. This was it. Kmiec had reached top speed when he met the ball carrier. When they met, Kmiec placed his right shoulder pad in the gut of the running back, making him lose his breath. Kmiec then wrapped his hands around the back of the ball carrier and pinned him to the ground. His helmet hit the ball directly, causing the pigskin to fly free from the running backs grip. Our free safety, Bob Goins, was right behind Kmiec and recovered the fumble on the North Park 25 yard line. The North Central crowd cheered and the North Central sidelines were in an uproar.